“Fests of Vests”: The Politics of Participation in Neoliberal Peacebuilding in Colombia

The Colombian Peace Agreement signed in 2016 was saluted internationally by scholars, policy makers and practitioners for encompassing the concept of territorial peace as a means ensuring local participation strengthening state institutions. Based on engaged research conducted Department Cauca Bogotá between 2017 2020, we critically analyse peace, exploring its ideation, implementation, subsequent decline favour security stabilisation. We argue that government’s peacebuilding rationale mechanisms sought to reinforce neoliberal through constrained model, which marginalised progressive struggles communities living former conflict affected areas. Without radical breakdown pre-existing power structures exploitation domination, community runs risk legitimising state-led initiatives ensure political rule capital, strengthen bureaucracies centralised state, create new violent disputes without resolving existing ones. El Acuerdo de Paz firmado en Colombia el año fue celebrado por académicos, políticos y funcionarios todo mundo su innovador concepto territorial, cual proponía fomentar la participación social escala simultáneamente fortalecer institucionalidad estatal. Partiendo una investigación activista desarrollada entre Departamento del los años analizamos críticamente desde diseño, pobre implementación declive favor nueva estrategia basada seguridad estabilización. Sostenemos que racionalidad mecanismos gubernamentales para construir paz han reforzado estado través un modelo restringido, marginó las demandas progresivas comunidades viven zonas afectadas conflicto interno armado. Al no transformar ni superar relaciones poder pre-existentes, reproducen opresión marginación, comunitaria construcción corre riesgo burocracias centralista, legitimar sus estrategias tendientes asegurar predominio político capitalismo, crear nuevas disputas violentas sin antes resolver existentes. Disillusionment with liberal top-down has led scholars advocate legitimacy-based approach post-conflict statebuilding (Heathershaw 2008; Zamudio Culebro 2013). International donors agencies have promoted ownership processes increasingly embracing idea bottom-up, locally owned participatory operations (Carl 2019; Mac Ginty Richmond Despite importance “local” site grassroot empowerment autonomy (Eaton 2015), critical shown how been mainstreamed co-opted (re)construction (Campbell 2011). In fact, “owned” reproduced wartime economic structures, resulting greater nature agrarian mining industries, weakening subsistence farming rural livelihoods (Berman-Arévalo Ojeda 2020; Grajales 2021), moving away from forms politics (Gray 2010; Nash Colombia, Agreement1 1 Hereafter referred Agreement. government Revolutionary Armed Forces Colombia–People’s Army (FARC–EP) perceived opportunity rebuild legitimate contract population. For first time, structural causes violence including unequal access land exclusion broad sectors population central decision-making, were explicitly recognised. promised build implementing comprehensive reform Development Plans Territorial Focus (PDET), National Programme Substitution Illicit Crops (PNIS). intention PDET PNIS should be formulated implemented inhabitants areas armed conflict, an labelled “territorial peace” architects (Jaramillo-Caro 2014). this article draw northern Cauca, where over 40% are indigenous or Afro-Colombian. area decades, despite engaging ethnic inter-cultural resistance colonial oppression and, more recently, corporate grabbing agribusiness (Dest Vélez-Torres remains region most post-war since signing context, interdisciplinary team, human geographers, anthropologists scientists United Kingdom, attended meetings populations public authorities discuss implementation municipios2 2 A municipio refers third level subdivision administration is headed mayor elected democratic process, controls independent budget. Veredas corregimientos second subdivisions administration, but do not officials. Departamentos at fourth level, equal provinces, governor democratically who then assembles his/her administration. Buenos Aires, Miranda Corinto, held workshops interviews Afro-Colombians, people, mestizo peasants ex-combatants learn their trajectories struggle (Escobar-Tello et al. 2021). addition, 27 semi-structured officials outgoing President Santos incoming Duque.3 3 All discussions took place Spanish quotes included translated into English. Documents, reports legislative texts published institutions, lay out policies describe Agreement, also analysed. combine analysis rationale, bottom-up account narratives internal making important contribution understandings peace. show discourses succeeded decision-making war-torn geographies. created fiction among communities, deferred demands change, enabled engagement mechanism expand extractivist frontiers. Following introduction, rise “local turn” discussed before analysing trajectory during three key phases. First, disputed ideation negotiations (2012−2016); second, partial, delayed (2016−2018); third, militarised shaped stabilisation (2018−2020). context post-Cold War processes, international organisations donors, Nations, principles democracy, rights market economy way sustainable (Leonardsson Rudd 2015). conflicts viewed product weak, incomplete fragmented hence building based law (Call Wyeth Paris 2004; Sisk 2009), pioneered Latin America (Peceny Stanley 2001). While initial focus liberalisation, priorities shifted following decade towards institution building. As geographies highlighted, “peace precarious ongoing spatial process varies across place, scale” (Koopman 2019:209). agenda controlled non-state groups become popular, both governments fragile states themselves (Muggah Some however, advanced doubts about actual complementarity pointed that, historically, conflict-ridden (Newman 2013; Rocha Menocal Moreover, criticised technocratic, character accused neglecting specificity populations’ cultures history (Mac response, themes, such participation, agency, institutional decentralisation gender, incorporated dominant now considered essential long-term transformation (Lederach 1997, 2005; Paffenholz There growing awareness (re)building just creating formal institutions establishing (Cox 2017; Leonardsson 2015; Local embraced milestone revitalising economies, promoting reconciliation, enduring (Didier Guasca 2020). Such embedded governance frameworks, mainly response critique modernisation models, failure external imposition programmes, limitations grand explanatory (Cooke Kothari 2001; Hickey Mohan 2004). main aim approaches situate include peoples centre listening voices involving them all stages: diagnosis, planning, intervention, assessment. Disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration programmes adopted ways certain groups, enhancing better communication, managing resentment (Kilroy consensus local, there substantial disagreements meaning scope. Donais (2009) identified two radically different interpretations: “liberal” approach, adopts largely predetermined mainstream vision peacebuilding; “communitarian” actors expected design, manage, implement own process. More (2015:826) drawn distinction “the effective peacebuilding” sees “as emancipation”. These differences implications peacebuilders identify “peacebuilding potential”, why they decide support (Paffenholz Critical reflect shift rhetoric scale conventional peacebuilding, rather than change model historical relations (Alves Hoddy Gready Ochen 2017). development agencies, NGOs embrace models tend reproduce dynamics, end up silencing depoliticising voices. Ironically, may result disciplining, co-option, opportunism, people’s knowledge reduced Eurocentric bureaucratic planning (Córdoba preaching oppressive societal patriarchy, retained (Goetz Jenkins 2016; By obscuring excluding crucial questions distribution wealth ostensibly safeguarding positions elites, thus maintaining neoliberal4 4 consider neoliberalism flexible which, late 1980s, symbiotically assemblages trans-governmental endorse hegemonies commoditisation fiscal administrative architectures (Ban Peck domination Piccolino 2019). Participatory can claimed align redistributing regions (Ballvé 2012), generating competition (Alderman 2018). Participation orthodox framework conveniently aggregates moral imperatives statebuilding, empowerment, governance, civil society inclusion (Henkel Stirrat Leal 2007; Telleria opening paths consolidate power, perpetuating after establishment agreements (Paris 2004), reinforcing dispossession marginalisation (Ahearne 2009; Wade 2008), (Cornwall 2011; Kapoor 2005). appearing surface, conceal inequities marginalise subjects politics, contributing status quo (Nash passive revolution, suggested Gramsci (1971:308−311), reflects paradoxical situation whereby counter-state revolutions contest what set overcome. This does imply policies, mechanisms, advocated dynamics transitional contexts insincere corrupt overarching interests, shape hegemonic capitalist racist project Colombia’s (Del Cairo Velásquez (2020) envisioned replace role sustaining pursuing actions required confront multiple legacies war. generated improbable dialogues 2005) transformed hierarchies nor modified direction (Grajales Lugo Berman-Arévalo recently argued “post-conflict” characterised continued extractivism. pacifying war, elites aimed engage while gaining land-based resources had previously kept exploitation. Peacebuilding being used entrench industrialisation turn examine evolved starting period immediately prior culmination four-year negotiation FARC-EP, put lasted several decades. Both preceded it academics example settlement. seen transformative dialogue geographies, achieving inclusive methods (Diaz 2021; Mendes 310-page inspired view limited ending confrontation aims transform overcome (Bermúdez Liévano Alongside cessation hostilities laying down arms, addresses reform, offers full citizen suggests solutions illicit drug problem, supports victims, ensures justice (Gobierno FARC-EP 2016). Intersectional elements core Lombard feminist organisations, decades supported agendas demilitarisation, distribution, condemnation sexual violence, gendered differential approaches, managed incorporate unique gender LGBT country world these perspectives agreement (Céspedez-Báez Jaramillo-Ruíz 2018; González, Koopman sustained mobilisation Indigenous Afro-Colombian Ethnic Commission explicit recognition ancestral territories, self-determination, autonomy, consultation informed consent final (Braconnier Moreno need cultural when PDETs, indicated.5 5 position maintained some accessed here http://www.afrodescolombia.org/capitulo-etnico/ https://www.onic.org.co/comunicados-onic/3056-capitulo-etnico-en-el-acuerdo-final-de-paz (last 6 March I believe centralist servants Martians order bring exhausted possibilities … What alliance together territory. 2014, Spanish) Jaramillo’s version drew heavily decentralisation, effort tightly connected. Although itself questioned, Jaramillo recognised needed capacity exerting nation, believed provided momentum enacting restoring relationships legitimacy trust citizens (Rocha PDETs instrument introduced promote areas, whereas focused developing specific peace-making narco-territories. potential captured attention portrayed successful 2018), claim changes did destabilise state. Rather, assumption necessary modernise development, private sector assure lasting (Rettberg Consequently, space micro-scale peripheries, simulating democratisation keeping intact. (2013) Dest (2020), illuminates peacetime transitions property, production. series tensions contradictions around extent envisaged definition itself, became visible early stages phase negotiation. Government delegates, even himself, compromising fundamental aspects national life (Santos 2012). contrasted Iván Márquez, head delegation who, his speech, stated achieve resolve problems, reforming structure ownership, doctrine forces (Márquez flatly rejected suggestions responded calling guerrillas take ideas arena once converted unarmed force (De Calle Santos’ (2012) if wanted propose Congress elected. declarations tactical reassuring warding off criticism right-wing actors, however revealed regarding deliberation, democracy. anticipation regulatory implemented, legislation exemplified could act expansion. December 2015, Renewal Agency (ART) work alongside Land (ANT) Rural (ADR). ART office given primary responsibility coordinating allocated budget projects, come other restructuring regulating landscape distinct entities, highly procedures, disconnected actions, blurred responsibilities. Landless often high levels illiteracy, forced navigate complex legal encounters basic differentiated Hougaard redesign interpreted, argue, deliberate attempt de-politicise ambitions drowning procedures. month creation ART, Law 1776 establish Zones Interest Rural, Economic Social (ZIDRES). zones equity, poverty alleviation environmental sustainability, advance socially territories. Core ZIDRES include: facilitating actors; fostering marketisation peripheries; expanding agro-industrial frontier “post-war” celebrated agro-industrialists oil palm (Castro critiqued instrumental offering stability agribusinesses above protecting (Méndez agro-industrialisation via ZIDRES, technocrats demonstrates designed capitalism legitimise participation. State facilitated thereby marginalising transformations technocratisation claims. Between 2014 2016, events contributed conservative interpretation lost round votes candidate Oscar Zuluaga, openly opposed win election, pro-peace coalition, popular clearly fading, to. already reached decided seek endorsement plebiscite. move proved counterproductive 50.2% majority voted “No” renegotiate administration’s inability reach guerrilla ELN, sense undermined coalition. support, opposition, Uribe, grew. Uribe party, Democratic Centre, discourse opposing accusing surrendering “terrorists”. very constructive. People either opened built shared vision. previous dialogues, “I this” X, Y Z”. words, good hear problems territory open spaces destroyed conflict. (ART officer, Bogotá, July 2019) (cf. Lederach Communities, strategies any clear discussing transforming capitalist, inherent methodological reveals strategy exclude conflictive place-making. Government-led determined divisions, overlooking socio-ecological connectedness region. modernist conceptualisation “neatly fragmentable” (Olarte-Olarte 2019:31), denying essentially fluid interdependent nature. Furthermore, politically contested, culturally diverse Cauca. way, pretension hegemonising entity under control installed, nullifying entangled overlapping territories produced Halvorsen considerable lobbying Cabildos, Community Councils peasant Associations invited participate municipios. representatives veredas pushed infrastructural each area, demanded regional concerning guarantees formalisation. Often, justified corporate-led inter-ethnic enforceability vis-à-vis However, having participated veredas, organisations’ ability influence Pactos Municipales limited. calls question decision making. Especially those victims ex-combatants, find particularly difficult actively participate. Former guerrillas, example, individuals formulation members Comunes party demobilised front. logic behind decision, explained official, represented “particular ideologies” generate undesired impact shows separated de-linked identities collective histories mobilisation. rid territor